कटकर सूख गये मालधारी

शिरीष खरे

पोरबंदर/एशियाई शेरों के सुरक्षित घर कहे जाने वाले गिर अभयारण्य में बरसों पहले मालधारियों का भी घर था. ‘माल’ यानी संपति यानी पशुधन और ‘धारी’ का मतलब ‘संभालने वाले’. इस तरह पशुओं को संभाल कर, पाल कर मालधारी अपनी आजीविका चलाते थे. एक दिन पता चला कि अब इस इलाके में केवल शेर रहेंगे. फिर धीरे-धीरे मालधारियों को उनकी जड़ों से उखाड़कर फेंकने का सिलसिला शुरु हुआ.

आज की तारीख में वन्यजीव अभयारण्य के चलते गिरी के जंगलों से बेदखल हुए मालधारी समुदाय के पास जहां रोजीरोटी एक प्रश्नवाचक चिन्ह की तरह हो गया है, वहीं बुनियादी सुविधायें भी सिरे से लापता हैं. अपनी सामाजिक पहचान बनाने की जद्दोजहद के बीच उनके सामने शिक्षा और सेहत जैसे कई सवाल हैं, जिसका जवाब कोई नहीं देना चाहता. 

मालधारियों का घर
गुजरात में शुष्क पर्णपाती जंगल, नम पर्णपाती जंगल, घास के बड़े-बड़े मैदान, समुद्र के लंबे-लंबे किनारे और बहुत सारे दलदली इलाके हैं. यहां 4 राष्ट्रीय उद्यान और 20 अभयारण्य हैं, जो 13 विकासखण्डों की 24 जगहों पर बसे हैं. प्रदेश के 4 राष्ट्रीय उद्यान जहां कुल 47,967 वर्ग किलोमीटर के क्षेत्रफल में हैं, वहीं 20 अभयारण्य कुल 16,74,224 वर्ग किलोमीटर के क्षेत्र में फैले हैं.

इन्हीं में एक गिर का अभयारण्य भी है, जो एशियाई शेरों का सुरक्षित घर कहलाता है. यह 1424 वर्ग किलोमीटर में फैला सघन जंगल, देश के सबसे बड़े शुष्क पर्णपाती जंगलों में से एक है. यही वह फैलाव है, जिसके आसपास मालधारी समुदाय का जीवन अपना विस्तार पाता था.

आरक्षित जंगल वाले इस इलाके को 70 के दशक में वन्य अभयारण्य के तौर पर अधिसूचित किया गया था. सबसे पहले 1972 में, सरकार ने यहां के 845 मालधारी परिवारों में से 580 परिवारों को जंगल से बाहर करने की कवायद शुरु की और देखते ही देखते 129 बस्तियों से तकरीबन 5000 आबादी को जंगल से उजाड़ दिया गया. तब से अब तक, यहां वन्य संरक्षण के नाम पर मालधारियों का शिकार बाकायदा जारी है.

बरदा एक ऐसा ही इलाका है, जो विस्थापन की सूची से फिलहाल तो छूटा हुआ है लेकिन वन विभाग का जंगल राज जब तब यह अहसास कराता रहता है कि मालधारियों की कोई औकात नहीं है और वन विभाग जब चाहे मालधारियों को जानवरों की तरह हकाल सकता है. 

बरदा के जेसिंगभाई, हरिसिंग भाई, रामगुलाब, चंदाभामा जैसे लोगों से अगर आप बात करें तो सब के पास अब केवल पुराने दिनों की यादें शेष हैं. एक-एक आदमी के पास अपने-अपने किस्से हैं. वन-विभाग के आने के पहले तक उनका जीवन कितना मस्त, आजाद, आत्मनिर्भर, सरल, व्यवस्थित और हरा भरा था. लेकिन पिछले 40 सालों में सरकार ने मालधारियों को उनकी जड़ों से ऐसा काटा कि उनका जीवन सूख ही गया. 

जानवरों के नाम पर
70 के दशक में विभाग ने यहां सर्वे किया, जंगलों को नापा और जमीनों की हदबंधी की. देखते ही देखते, उसने जंगल की जमीनों को राजस्व की जमीनों में बदलना चालू किया. इसके बाद विभाग ने पानी से लेकर कंदमूल और पेड़ की टहनियों, यहां तक कि जिन पत्थरों और गीली माटी से मालधारियों ने अपने घर बनाए , उनके इस्तेमाल तक पर पाबंदी लगा दी. 

सरकार को जंगल के जीवों की देखभाल का तो ख्याल आता रहा, मगर पालतू पशुओं की चराई पर लगी रोक को हटाने का ख्याल एक बार भी नहीं आया. जबकि मालधारियों के पास तो बड़ी संख्या में गिर की मशहूर गाएं थीं, जो अब तेजी से घट रही हैं और जिनके घटने के सवाल पर सरकार भी अब चिंता प्रकट कर रही है.

यहां के लोगों पर चौतरफा मार पड़ी है. सरकार ने जहां उनके काम, धंधे और संसाधनों को उनसे छीना है, वहीं उनकी दुनिया में आए अभावों की ओर पलटकर भी नहीं देखा है. इन मालधारियों का जीवन जंगल पर ही निर्भर था और जब वे जंगल से बेदखल किये गये तो जैसे जिंदगी से ही बेदखल कर दिये गये. सरकार ने विस्थापन से पहले कई वायदे किये लेकिन एक बार जंगल से विस्थापित होने के बाद सरकारी महकमे ने इनकी ओर पलट कर नहीं देखा.

बरदा की पहाड़ियां, पोरबंदर से 15 किलोमीटर दूर हैं. अरब सागर के चेहरे को मानो चूमता सा यह इलाका पोरबंदर और जामनगर जिलों से जुड़ा हुआ है. यहां का जंगल कभी राणावाव और जामनगर के राजाओं के अधीन था, सो अभी भी यह पहाड़ियां राणाबरदा और जामबरदा के नाम से ही जानी जाती है.

पत्थर जैसे जिंदगी
राणाबर्दा और जामबर्दा पहाड़ियों पर कुल 61 बस्तियां बची हैं, जो एक-दूसरे से बहुत दूर-दूर और ऊंची नीची पथरीली जगहों पर हैं. यहां 1154 परिवारों के 6372 लोग रहते हैं, उनमें 14 साल तक के 2774 बच्चे हैं. अब दोनों पहाड़ियों की 61 बस्तियों के इतने बच्चों के सामने जो 14 प्राथमिक स्कूल हैं भी तो उनमें से 7 के भवन नहीं हैं. बाकी 7 प्राथमिक स्कूलों के भवन हैं, मगर उनमें भी छोटे-छोटे 15 कमरे ही हैं. मतलब यहां के सारे बच्चों को ध्यान में रखा जाए तो औसतन 185 बच्चों पर केवल एक कमरा ठहरता है.

दूसरी तरफ, राणाबर्दा के प्राथमिक स्कूलों में तो शिक्षकों की संख्या फिर भी ठीक है, मगर जामबर्दा के 1077 बच्चों के सामने जो 5 प्राथमिक स्कूल हैं, उनमें शिक्षकों की संख्या 6 हैं. मतलब यहां औसतन 180 बच्चों पर केवल एक शिक्षक ठहरते हैं. इन्हीं सबके चलते यहां 14 साल तक के 2774 बच्चों में से केवल 728 बच्चों के नाम स्कूली फाइलों में भरे जा सके हैं. बीते 1 अप्रेल से, केन्द्र सरकार ने देश भर के सारे बच्चों के लिए शिक्षा के अधिकार का कानून लागू किया है, मगर यहां के 2046 बच्चों के लिये तो कम से कम यह कानून नाकाफी है.

सरकारी दावे और उच्चतम न्यायालय के निर्देशों के उलट यहां की 61 बस्तियों के भीतर 6 साल से नीचे के कुल 1354 बच्चे हैं. लेकिन उनकी देखभाल के लिए एक भी आंगनबाड़ी केन्द्र यहां नहीं है. इसी तरह 192 वर्ग मीटर तक फैली इन दो पहाड़ियों के बीच एक भी जगह ऐसी नहीं है, जहां सरकार ने स्वास्थ्य की कोई सेवा उपलब्ध करायी हो. इसलिए तबीयत बिगड़ जाने पर मरीजों को 25 किलोमीटर तक की दूरी तय करनी पड़ती है. कच्ची और खराब सड़क के कारण गंभीर बीमारी या दुर्घटना झेलने वाले बहुत सारे मरीजों और गर्भवती महिलाओं को दुर्गम रास्तों के बीच ही अपनी जान गंवानी पड़ती है. 

केन्द्र सरकार ने मातृ मृत्यु-दर और शिशु मृत्यु-दर घटाने के लिए एनएचआरएम यानि ‘राष्ट्रीय ग्रामीण स्वास्थ्य मिशन’ चलाया है. इसी तर्ज पर गुजरात सरकार ने भी एसएचआरएम यानि ‘राज्य ग्रामीण स्वास्थ्य मिशन’ छेडा हुआ है. मगर यहां से ऐसा लगता है जैसे न केवल स्वास्थ्य सेवा बल्कि बुनियादी सहूलियत से जुड़ी हर एक नीति, योजना और कार्यक्रम से मालधारियों का यह बरदा इलाका छूटा हुआ है. कुछ ऐसे, जैसे 21वी शताब्दी के 10 साल गुजरने के बाद भी यह इलाका 1970 के जमाने में ही छूट गया हो.

अपनी तो पाठशाला

शिरीष खरे

उस्मानाबाद/महाराष्ट्र. तीसरी कक्षा में पढ़ने वाली ललिता, सीमा और वैशाली स्कूल लगने के एक घंटे पहले ही पहुंच गई हैं. स्कूल की सीढ़ी पर खड़ी ललिता आज का जो पाठ पढ़ा रही है उसे नीचे बैठी सीमा और वैशाली लिख रही हैं. तीनों अपने-अपने काम में इतनी तल्लीन हैं कि उन्हें अपने आसपास का भी ध्यान नहीं है. लेकिन आसपास खड़े लोगों के लिए यह दृश्य साधारण नहीं है.

असल में हम जिस स्कूल की बात कर रहे हैं वह है पारधी स्कूल. पारधी यानी मिथ, इतिहास, सामाजिक परंपरा और कानून के मकड़जाल में फंसी एक ऐसी जनजाति जिसके लिए ऐसा दृश्य दुर्लभ है. इसलिए कम से कम स्थानीय लोगों के लिए यह स्कूल किसी आश्चर्य से कम नहीं लगता.अंग्रेजों ने पारधी जनजाति को अपराधिक जनजाति अधिनियम,1871 के तहत सूचीबद्ध किया था. अंग्रेज चले गए मगर धारणा छोड़ गए. इसलिए आज भी पारधी बस्तियां गांव से कोसों दूर जंगलों में होती हैं. कोई रास्ता इन बस्तियों को नहीं जाता. न ही सरकार की कोई योजना यहां आती है और न बिजली, न पानी, न राशन और न ही स्वास्थ्य की कोई सुविधा. इसलिए यहां के लोग कहते हैं कि आजादी के 64 सालों में सरकार ने हमें एक ही चीज दी है और वह है– महादेव बस्ती का यह स्कूल.

महाराष्ट्र के उस्मानाबाद से तकरीबन 125 किमी दूर, एक जंगली पहाड़ी के नीचे यहां गिनती के 60 पारधी घरों में 279 बाशिंदे रहते हैं. इनके दिलों से शासन की दहशत कुछ कम तो हुई है लेकिन पूरी तरह से गई नहीं. तभी तो थोड़ी देर पहले हमारी गाड़ी देखते ही ज्यादातर लोग अदृश्य हो गए थे. उन्हें लगा था कि आसपास कोई वारदात हुई होगी जिसकी छानबीन के लिए पुलिस आई है. लेकिन कुछ देर बाद ‘अपनेवाले हैं’, ऐसा कहकर ये एक जगह जमा होने लगे. और अब जिस जगह हम हैं, वह है बस्ती की एकमात्र पक्की बिल्डिंग यानी महादेव बस्ती का यह स्कूल. बोर्ड पर स्कूल बनने का साल (1998), बच्चों की कुल संख्या (27), बालक (10) और बालिका (17) लिखा है. एक बड़े हॉल से होकर 2 कमरे खुलते हैं जिसमें चौंथी तक की कक्षाएं लगती हैं. यों तो स्कूल का कार्यालय और उसके पीछे बाथरूम भी है लेकिन 30 गुणा 60 फीट वाले इस स्कूल की पूरी तस्वीर तब बनती है जब लोगों से मालूम होता है कि चार सालों से यहां का परीक्षाफल शत प्रतिशत है. साथ ही यह उस्मानाबाद जिले का आदर्श स्कूल घोषित है.

गांव के सुबराराव शिंदे ने याद करते हुए बताते हैं, 'पहले तो पुलिस के छापे ही लगते थे. कोई शिक्षक आने की हिम्मत नहीं करता था. तब स्कूल की दीवारें थीं, पर पढ़ाई नहीं. यदि शिक्षक आते भी तो बच्चे नहीं होते. वे इधर उधर खेलते रहते और शिक्षकों को 'ओ मास्टर' कहकर चिढ़ाते. हमें लगता कि इस स्कूल के बहाने पुलिस बस्ती पर निगाह रखती है.' फिर कोई आठ साल पहले पहल की एक स्थानीय दलित संगठन ने. दलित संगठन ने जब यहां कदम रखा तो कई मुश्किलों का सामना किया. संगठन के कर्ताधर्ता बजरंग टाटे बताते हैं, 'ये हमें पुलिस की ही दोस्त समझते. पूछने पह अपना नाम सलमान या शाहरुख बताते और फोटो तो बिल्कुल नहीं खिंचवाते. हमारा चार साल का समय बच्चों को स्कूल बुलाने में ही चला गया. गांव के कल्याण काले के मुताबिक संगठन के लोगों ने पहले गांव वालों के साथ ज्यादा से ज्यादा समय बिताया. इससे गांव वालों के अंदर का डर दूर होने लगा. बातों ही बातों में गांव के लोगों ने जाना कि पढ़ाई कितनी जरूरी है. तब पढ़ाई में आने वाली अड़चनों पर घंटों बातें होतीं. टाटे ने बताया कि 2007 को 60 परिवारों के सभी महिला और मर्दों को लेकर एक सर्वे किया. तब समाज ने शाला का मॉडल बनाया. इसलिए शाला का नाम पड़ा- समाजशाला.

समाजशाला के बारे में शिक्षिका प्रतिभा दीक्षित बताती हैं कि इस स्कूल का पाठ्यक्रम सरकारी ही है. बकौल प्रतिभा, 'पहले पहल बच्चों के साथ खास दिक्कत यह रही कि इन्हें पारधी ही बोलनी आती थी, जो हमें नहीं आती थी. तब एक दूसरे को समझने के लिए खेल, गाने, चित्रों और कई चीजों का इस्तेमाल किया गया. धीरे-धीरे बच्चे मराठी, हिंदी और अंग्रेजी के पाठ भी सीखने लगे.' महादेव बस्ती की महिला सुनिधि शिंदे से पता चला कि स्कूल की ताकत उसकी समिति है. इसे बस्ती की औरतें संभालती हैं. यही बच्चों की हाजिरी, उनकी पढ़ाई-लिखाई और दोपहर के खाने का ध्यान रखती हैं. यहां औरतों का अलग से एक समूह है जिसमें सभी हर महिने दस-दस रुपए जमा करती हैं. यह रकम सिर्फ बच्चों पर खर्च होती है. समाजशाला से समन्वयक विठ्ठल खंडागले ने बताया कि स्कूल में बिजली, शौचालय, मैदान और मैदान पर बने ब्लैकबोर्ड को युवा टोली की मेहनत का नतीजा है. टोली में अठारह से तीस साल के पारधी युवा 26 जनवरी को एक मेला लगाकर अफसरों के अलावा नेताओं को भी बुलाते हैं. इस साल जिला परिषद अध्यक्ष गोदावरे केंद्रे ने बस्ती में पक्की सड़क बनाने का वादा किया है. इसी तरह बीते साल उपविभागीय पुलिस अधीक्षक विजय महाले ने पारधियों के दिलों में पुलिस के डर को दूर करने के लिए कार्यशाला रखी थी.

चार साल पहले महादेव बस्ती ने अपनी पंचायत में जो फैसला लिया उस पर मराठवाड़ा के कई लोगों को आज भी यकीन नहीं होता. उस दिन पूरी बस्ती इस बात पर एकमत हुई कि अगर हमारा बच्चा यदि हमारी गलती से स्कूल नहीं जाता तो हम आर्थिक जुर्माना देंगे. जो बस्ती शिक्षा के दीपक से दूर रही थी उसी बस्ती ने पढ़ाई-लिखाई का यह मतलब जाना था. तब से स्कूल में बच्चों की शत प्रतिशत उपस्थिति दर्ज होने लगी और एक भी बच्चा ड्रापआउट नहीं हुआ. प्रधानाध्यापक राम डाहवे ने खुशी जाहिर करते हुए बताते हैं, 'स्कूल की तारीफ तो कलेक्टर भी करते हैं. समय के साथ पढ़ाई भी बदल रही है. अब हर काम कम्प्यटूर पर होने लगा है. इस इलाके के कई स्कूलों में कम्प्यटूर नहीं पहुचें लेकिन इस साल यहां दो कम्पयूटर दिए हैं.' समाजशाला अब देश भर को यह संदेश दे रही है कि अगर पारधी बस्ती के भीतर एक स्कूल इतना बदलाव ला सकता है तो दूसरी बस्तियों के सरकारी स्कूल क्यों नही.

देखा जाए तो सिर्फ स्कूल बनाने की कोशिशें ही काफी नहीं हैं. इस बस्ती के लोग गांव से बाहर होने के कारण मतदातासूची से छूटे हुए  हैं. फुलादेवी (बदला नाम) बताती हैं, 'पुलिस की ज्यादतियां रूकी नही हैं. आसपास कोई चोरी हुई नहीं कि वह यहां आ धमकती है. लेकिन बच्चे समय के पहले स्कूल पहुचंते ही हैं.' जाते समय हमने उनसे इतना ही कहा 'बदलाव की यह आदत रहनी चाहिए.' लेकिन कक्षा 4 के बाद यह आदत रह पाएगी या नहीं कोई नहीं जानता, क्योंकि आगे की पढ़ाई के लिए यहां से बाहर जाना होगा. और इस बस्ती से दूर जाने से बच्चे तो क्या बड़े भी डरते हैं.

शाम ढल चुकी है लेकिन पारधी गानों की धुन पर बच्चों का थिरकना जारी है. बिछड़ते समय पहली के कुछ बच्चो ने घेर लिया. उनमें से दीपक शिंदे ने कहा, 'अरे हमारी एक कविता तो सुनते जाओ.'
हमने कहा, 'कौन-सी?'
वह बोला, 'सूरज को तोड़ने जाना है.'
हमने कहा, 'अगली बार तोड़ कर सुनाना.'

Cities and cities

By Shirish Khare

Cities have become alike - unidentifiable from each other. Just like the houses that the 40 thieves found when the came to visit Ali Baba. And policies that draw up such uniform plans also unsettle the lives of millions in these cities.

Large cities have been the center of development in India. They have been the centers of manufacturing, of markets, of consumption and of wealth. But they are also the locus of much inequality. Large sections of the city are home to poverty, hunger and unemployment. The rural poor have migrated to the cities with the expectation of better livelihoods and earnings. Infrastructure of cities have not been able to deal with the needs of rural immigrants. The face of most Indian cities has illness and hunger juxtaposed with glamour and wealth.

There are many cities within each city. The first is a clean, orderly structure humming with capitalists, traders and technocrats. People here are safe and wealthy with access to luxuries. They are deemed the builders of a developed India. Another is of slums. Of filth, of clutter, and crowds. People are unsafe and insecure. Their jobs are insecure, their homes are insecure. They are deemed the hurdles to a developing India.

Cities have developed policies to limit the encroachment of slums in public places through force and by continuing 'development' programs to beautify and develop the cities.  While those who live in the slums provide the labour for development, and for profits, their labour is not valued - financially or socially. As a result, the state of the labourers degenerates - there is increasing poverty in the city. There is increased exploitation. Urban poverty is a result of the absence of exploitation of the poor as well as the incompetence of the city governments.

The urban poor are constantly looking for employment and a place to live. In India today, unorganized sector makes up for 93% of labour. Often used as contract labourers, they have little opportunity to participate constructively or creatively in the economic or political processes of the city. Continued to be exploited, they are unable to plan or build their own lives. With industries able to make do with contract workers where regulations are lax and commitment to the worker minimum, unemployment levels continue to grow. Over 5 crore people in India live in urban slums.

Since these slums are deemed illegal, there are no facilities provided. They have no access to financial, legal or social infrastructure that cities provides it citizens. There are no hygiene or health facilities available to these citizens. Thus, citizens of these slums are even more vulnerable - politically, legally and to illnesses. Thus, a large section of the poor is not able to escape the vicious cycle of poverty. Economic, social and political forces ensure this stays true.

The urban poor lives in the city but is still unable to access the infrastructure that a city provides. They are marginalized to  living on the edges - figuratively (as described above) and literally (living on the footpath and along railway tracks). Thus, the rights of the urban poor are easily bypassed. In fact, their activities are constantly under suspicion. As a result, the poor does not want to make themselves visible, even to ask for their rights. Urban programs that claim beautification or infrastructure development continue to push the urban poor knowing fully well that they can push the poor even further into marginalization.

It is difficult for the poor to organize against such urban programs. Often they are rural immigrants from different regions, speaking different languages and with different religious or caste backgrounds. In addition, they experience different levels of poverty. Their access top infrastructure is also varied.  The basis for organizing is weak.

On the other hand, government bodies are constrained by limited land, money and other infrastructural capabilities. In Mumbai for example, land is unavailable. 50% of the population lives in slums. But this occupies only 8% of the total land in Mumbai.  While the government reckons that every individual needs 5 square meter and a family needs 25 sq.m., that is hardly true. Thus, the absence of housing is one of the biggest problems with the urban poor.

The government's intent and capability to provide for infrastructure is also questionable. While governments are chosen to help arrange for infrastructure for all, by privatizing such services, they have encouraged the provision of those services that have profits over others that are needed for human existence and living. After all, private companies are interested in consumers, not citizens and the urban poor have very little income that can be used for consumable services.

The model of development in these urban centers is not based on participation by citizens but of technocrats and businesses. The processes of governance today has very little connectivity with citizen groups and their needs. While on the one hand there is rhetoric about decentralization of power to increase citizen participation in governance, on the other hand, privatization of infrastructure needs is resulted in a breakdown of such participation. As a result, the role of governance has become limited to supervision of contracts.

With globalization in force these days and with institutions of globalization considered as experts in development policies, the space for conversation with citizens and for their dissent has become marginalized. In fact, dissent is being politically discouraged, even put down. This is counter to the 74th constitutional amendment that recognizes the role citizen participation in policy making and its role in ensuring development of all. While the amendment lay down specific mechanisms to ensure participation, the reality of urban governance has no place for such participation of the urban poor.

The development of a city requires that everyone be a part of the development process. In the absence of such inclusiveness, the chasm between the rich and the poor will not be bridged. The government has come up with innovative ways to reduce urban poverty - by not counting the poor. For example, Mumbai has only 18000 people with the yellow ration card. Only  24000 people are considered below poverty line. Thus, on one hand politicians innovatively engineer reduction in poor and on the other hand ask for votes based on people being poor.

A city should be the residence of all its population. Development for all is possible only if all are involved in development of policies. This is true not only for housing but for policies related to infrastructure development, economic policies, budget and finance, etc.  Development should not be based on the economic progress of a small group at the cost of everyone else. For such progress for a few only happens at the cost of exploitation of the rest.

No End to This Night

By Shirish Khare

As soon as I got off at Ajmer railway station, I called Bhanvaribai’s mobile phone. In an unsure voice she said, “Since you have come to write about women’s issues, why don’t you come directly to the Ajmeri Gate police station?”. Somewhat astonished, I asked, “What has happened?”. She replied, “come here and you will find out. We are 50 year old women here. You are a young man. They slapped us a few times and sat us down at the police station. So come only if you feel comfortable.”

I felt that it was better to go to the police station rather than return to Mumbai. Seeing my luggage, the auto-rickshaw driver asked if I wanted to go to a hotel. But when I replied that he should take me to a police station, he was started. At the police station, the station in-charge, Satish Yadav sat behind a table that said “Truth Shall Prevail” and in front of a large framed photograph of Mahatma Gandhi. But he seemed at 180 degrees to both those philosophies. He curtly I asked who I was but walked off before I could say anything.

The issue at hand is not how big or small the case was against these women or what is considered to be a big case. What needs to be recognized is that when there are instances of oppression against Dalits – especially Dalit women – everyone from the neighborhood, the village Panchayat, the police and the local courts all assume an attitude that makes justice impossible.

The police station officer – incharge is bothered that almost every week three cases of oppression against Dalit women is registered from Rasulpura village. The Women’s Rights Commission claims that instead of protecting these women as per special laws put in place to prevent oppression, the police station in-charge will often arrest those who come to file the case. For example, Sualal Bhambhi from Rasulpura, along with his wife Geetadevi and daughter Renu had come to file a case against Biram Gujjar for trying to take away their cow and for physical abuse in trying to do so. Instead, the police arrested Sualal Bhambhi saying that the true culprit will become apparent after investigation. When the Women’s Rights Committee and the Dalit Rights Center intervened, he was let go. While the police were willing to look into the case of a stolen cow, they were unwilling to look into the case of violence against his wife and daughter.

Rasulpura is hardly 10Km from Ajmer, on the highway to Jaipur. 600 Muslims, 150 Gujjars and 50 dalits live in this community. In the last few years, 20 dalit families have had to dump their land and property at give-away prices and move to Ajmer. The rest of the Dalit families also have had to move their houses about 0.5Km from the village, practically living in their fields. This is India where dalits still cannot sit in the community gathering, cannot use water from the village handpump, and are fearful of riding a bicycle. Only 10 years ago, Harikishen master broke the age-old taboo that dalits could not ride a horse to their wedding (as is common practice among Hindus in this region).

15 years ago, Chaggibai won a panchayat seat (without any reservation) – however, within 6 months, the rest of the Panchayat community impeached her because they felt that her election affected the prestige of the village. Chaggibai won without reservations because there were many contestants from the higher caste communities. However, when she won, higher caste men surrounded the school building in the village and Chaggibai had to be rescued by police.

15 years ago, the women of this village decided to speak out about their rights – they formed “Women’s Rights Committee”. Women paid Rs 2 to join the group – and 12 women joined. They used the committee to talk about their daily problems and its solutions. Bhanvaribai says that after 5 years of the committee’s functioning, when it also started to voice opinions on child marriage, and casteism, there was opposition to the group. When dalit women began to take objection to caste-based insults and abuses, upper caste people asked why there was a sudden objection – after all, this had been happening for years. Now, though, this began to cause conflict.

The Dalit community used government land to go to their farms. On 6th June, Teja Gujjar dug a trench in this path and placed barbed wire, making it difficult for people to se this path. When Bhanvaribai requested to talk to Teja Gujjar to resolve this issue, he threatened to kill her (using language not printable). When the Dalit women approached Teja’s older brother who is also a member of the village panchayat, saying that they had voted for him and wished he would intercede, he suggested (sarcastically) that they take the matter to the police. The fact was that these brothers had been trying to buy up dalit land at low prices in a number of neighbouring villages. They hoped that by troubling the dalit community, they could get them to sell and move.

When the Dalit women approached the police outpost at Nareti, the police said that they would file a case only after investigation. When a dalit constable named Kailash came to the Gujjar brothers to find out about the events, he was insulted. The Dalit women then went to Ajmeri gathe police station which was already quite unhappy about numerous Dalit cases.

Kalyanji, a Dalit villager, says that the upper caste members of Rasulpura are interested in taking over 30 acres of land that belongs to the dalits as well as 4 acres of government land. 1 acres costs about Rs 100000. Land is the primary source of income for these dalit communities. With drought that has hovered over these villages for the last 10-15 years, they often have to supplement this income with unskilled labour. In these conditions, numerous upper-class people have attempted to push the dalits ou of their land. On 12th February, Mamchand Ravat along with some other men entered Shankarlal’s house, and beat him up. Despite the intervention of Dalit Rights Center, a case was filed only after 3 months and its been 6 months and nothing further has happened. Teja and Amba Gujjar have been involved in other incidences where they have beaten up women. A report was filed only after the local SP intervened but there has been no progress since.

In an interesting case of communal collaboration, the muslim community is providing support to the Gujjars – a result of political and social alliances. Two big Muslim traders have provided political support to the Gujjars. One even threatened major violence if even one Gujjar was arrested.

The Police station officer is obviously bothered by the number of dalit ventures to file cases for oppression – the officer in-charge has attempted to help the dalit ‘understand’ that this police station is not just for Rasulpura.

Apni To Pathshala

By Shirish Khare

Usmanabad, India: Lalita, Seema and Vaishali of class III are in schooltoday an hour early. Seema and Vaishali are busy writing down the lesson Lalita reads aloud on the school staircase. Their hair neatly plaited, they look every inch the eager school students they are in their white and blue uniform and black shoes. So engrossed is Vaishali in her morning lesson that she has forgotten to unburden her tender shoulders of the heavyschool bag.

This all too familiar scene of an ordinary day in school that is part of every child’s life is nothing short of a miracle for the local residents here. Because the school in this case is that of the ‘Pardi’ tribe enlisted by the British under the ‘Criminal Tribes Act 1871’. Though the British have long left India, this community continues to live on the margins of society – literally. The tribe lives in jungles, miles away from human habitation in the most uninhabitable conditions where roads, electricity, water, health centres or even a semblance of a Government project remain a distant dream. In these glorious 60 years of India’s independence, the only thing this tribe has managed to claim as its own though is this lone governmentschool of Mahadev Basti.

Tucked away in the foothills, 15 kms from the Tehsil Head Office, the nondescript Basti has 279 people living in 60 tiny huts. Far from looking to it for security, government is a term these people have come to associate with fear. They took us for the police out for on one of their routine ‘investigations’ and vanished into their huts. Only after reassured that we were not the police did they meet us in the only concrete construction of the Basti – the Mahadev Basti school building. A board announces the year it came into being – 1998, the number of students – 27, girls – 10 and boys – 17. The school has a large hall leading to two rooms where classes between class I and IV are held, an office and a toilet. But the true picture of this 30X60 school became clear to us only when we were told that in the last two years the school has achieved a result of 100% and is now counted among the better schools of the Zilla. “Until a few years ago”, reminisces Subrarao Shinde, “there were police raids more often than not because of which no school teacher dared to set foot in the schoolpremises. Even if a few did, there would be no students. We felt the schoolwas an excuse for the police keep an eye on us.

When ‘Lokhit Saamaajik Vikas Sansthan’ first came to this Basti, it met a lot of resistance. Bajrang Tate of the Sanstha told us, “The people here were suspicious of us taking us for police aides. They wouldn’t tell us their names and would refuse to be photographed. What helped us deal with that situation and win over the trust of the people was our work of several years with the Pardi tribe in close partnership with Child Rights and You (CRY)”. “They would spend a lot of time with us”, added Kalyan Kale, a local, “and we slowly began trusting them. They would spend hours discussing with us the importance of education”. Bajrang Tate chipped in, “Then we did a survey with 139 women and 149 men from 60 families and came up with the model of a school. That’s how Samajshala was born in 2007”.

Pratibha Dikshit, a Samajshala teacher elaborates, “We follow the government-prescribed syllabus here at the school. We are three of us here at the school who have been trained to involve children both in academics and extra-curricular activities. Sanjay Tambare, another teacher at Samajshala volunteered, “Initially we faced problems with the children here because they could only speak Pardi, their native dialect that we did not understand. We had to use songs, games, pictures etc. to communicate to each other. Now the children have learnt Marathi, Hindi and even English”. Sunidi Shinde informed us, “The real strength of the school is its committee run by the women of the Basti. The committee manages students’ attendance, their lunch and overall academics. Every woman in this women’s collective – the school committee contributes Rs 50 every month that is spent on the school and school children.”

Vitthal Khandagale, a Samajshala worker, attributes the school playground, the blackboard standing on it, toilet and electricity to the sheer hard work of the local youth group. He elaborates, “The youth group comprising young men of 18 to 30 years holds a fair every August. They invite government officials and politicians. This year they’ve invited the Zilla Parishad President Godavari Kendre and she has promised us water, electricity and roads in the Basti. Also, Vijay Mahale, Sub-divisional Police Officer, had held a workshop for the locals to allay the fear of the police from their minds.” Adds Vinayak Taur, “We already have in place the school primary health centre that holds health camps every month where health check-ups are conducted not only for the children but also for adults. A toilet for girls, library and schoolboundary walls are next in our demands for the school.”

The panchayat of Mahadev Basti took a decision on Dec 5, 2007 that took many people in the Zilla by surprise. They unanimously decided that if they hindered a child’s education, they would pay penalty for it. This was the turning point in the life of Mahadev Basti. After that day, the school started seeing 100% attendance and no drop outs. The school Principal, Ram Dahve proudly declares, “The District Collector recognises the success of the school too. With time education, like most things, is changing too. Computers are fast becoming the norm. Even though computers are yet to reach our district, the school has two computers this year, thanks to ‘Lokhit’.” Kumar Neelendu, General Manager, Child Rights and You (CRY), “We are campaigning for a Common School System across the country. This schoolis an example of that. Free and fair education can only be achieved through the Common School System. Government schools in other Bastis can take a cue from this school in the Pardi Basti that has transformed lives.”

During our interactions with the community, we realised that the people of the community want to fight for their democratic right to citizenship so far denied to them. Living on the periphery of the village has kept them out of the voters’ list too all since independence. They do not even have the basic right to their own land. Some work as agricultural labourers on sugarcane farms for 6 to 8 months while others migrate to Mumbai along with their children who often get embroiled into the gruesome underbelly of Mumbai. Though we often see media stories on the Mumbai underworld, the socio-political dynamics involved find no mention in them. These aspects remain unspoken even in the midst of all the din of news.

Phoola Devi (name changed) reveals, “State atrocities show no signs of stopping. The police come to our Basti the moment any crime, no matter how petty or serious, is reported in the neighbouring village. But we don’t let that hinder our children’s education.” We reassured them that we must always strive for change. But we soon realised it’s easier said than done. The Basti school has classes only upto class IV after which children would have to travel 5 kms to the nearest school in Itkur. This seemingly innocuous commute is a daunting task as not just children but even adults fear venturing out of the Basti. The tribe continues to preserve its tribal culture, tradition and history, visible in their lifestyle and display of vibrant tribal art in the school. The children danced to the lilt of Pardi songs, silhouetted in the fleeting twilight. As we were leaving, children of class I huddled around us. One of them said, “Hey, listen to our poem.” We asked, “Which one?” “I want to claim the sun.” “Tell me when you have claimed it.”

यह है जीवन शाला

 

शिरीष खरे

 

दो दशकों से भी अधिक समय के फ्रेम में अगर नर्मदा को केंद्र में लाएंगे तो आंखों के सामने दो चित्र उभर आएंगे- पहला बिजली, पानी और विकास की गंगा का बहाव लेकर आएगा और दूसरा उसी गंगा में हजारों लोगों के डूब का दर्द लिए तैर जाएगा.

नर्मदा की लड़ाई के ये चित्र जब-तब सुर्खियों के साथ प्रकाशित होकर उत्सुकता पैदा करते रहे हैं. लेकिन क्या आप यह भी जानते हैं कि सरदार सरोवर बांध के खिलाफ लड़ाई के साथ एक धारा और भी चल रही है, और यह है लड़ाई के सामानांतर पढ़ाई की धारा.

बांध से प्रभावित आदिवासियों को लगता था कि लड़ाई के साथ-साथ पढ़ाई होनी चाहिए, यही सोचकर आदिवासियों ने अपने बच्चों के लिए एक पढ़े-लिखे कल की नींव रखनी चाही थी, और इसी नींव का नाम पड़ा ‘जीवन शाला’, आजादी के 41 वर्षों बाद पहली मर्तबा यहां जमीनी स्तर पर शिक्षण के केंद्र चलाए गए, जिन्होनें अंधेरे में डूबे कई गांवों में उजाला बांटने का काम किया, उजाला बांटने का यह सिलसिला आजतक जारी है, जिसका आदर्श वाक्य है- 'लड़ाई-पढ़ाई साथ-साथ', और निशाना सीधा सधा है- 'नर्मदा बचाओ मानव बचाओ'.

जीवन शाला की यह कहानी उन लोगों के लिए प्रेरक है जो मौजूदा व्यवस्‍था में विकल्प का सपना तलाशते हैं. यह उन भद्रजनों को इतना भरोसा दिलाने के लिए काफी है कि गरीबों को भी अपने बच्चों की पढ़ाई की फ्रिक रहती है. कहानी की पृष्ठभूमि में विंध्यांचल और सतपुड़ा पर्वतमालाओं की ओट में बहुत छोटे-छोटे और सुंदर गांव हैं, जो अपने जिला मुख्यालयों से बेहद दूर-दूर, घनघोर जंगलों के बीच और पानी के रास्तों पर पड़ते हैं, जिन पर कदम रखते ही झूम उठते हैं आदिवासी और हिलने लगती हैं पहाड़ियां, जिन पर कोई साधारण शालाएं नहीं बल्‍कि जीवन की शालाएं लगती हैं, जहां टंगे घंटे साधारण लग तो सकते हैं लेकिन हैं नहीं क्योंकि सरकारी तंत्र की मुख्यधारा से अलग-थलग होने के चलते स्कूल भवन बनने और शिक्षक आने की राह तकने का खेल टूट चुका है. देदली वासवे, विजय भाई, विट्ठल तदवी, नूरजी, भीमसिंग, नारायण भाई, गिरधर भाई, मालसिंग, रमेश भाई, पिंजरी पावरा, कालूसिंह, सियाराम भाई और उनके कई साथियों की टूटी-फूटी बातों को एक जगह जमा करने पर जीवन शाला बनने का पता चलता है :

ऐसा नहीं था कि बांध विस्थापितों ने पढ़ाई के लिये कभी सरकार से गुहार न लगाई हो. बाकायदा लगाई, अधिकारियों को आवेदन भी दिए, फाइलें भी बनीं, जो कभी नहीं ही सरकीं. हर बार सरकारी अफसर वादा करते और स्थिति जैसी की तैसी बनी रहती. लेकिन आज बच्चे घंटे पर जब टन-टन-टन की आवाजें करते हैं तो देवदूत, परियां, उनके किस्से, श्लोक, आयतें और आश्वासन सब असरहीन इसलिए भी होने लगते हैं कि ज्ञान के क्षेत्र तक गरीबों की पहुंच को रोकने का एक पुराना इतिहास रहा है और 1991-92 में चिमलखेड़ी के अलावा नीमगांव में दो जीवन शाला शुरु करके इतिहास के एक अध्याय को बदलने की शुरुआत हुई. एक तो काम नया-नया था और दूसरा ज्यादा कुछ मालूम नहीं था इसीलिए चुनौतियां पहा‌ड़ियों के समान तनकर खड़ी थीं. इन सबके बावजूद जीवन शाला का आधार स्वाबलंबी रखा गया और इसी आधार पर चलकर आज बच्चे शाला में झाड़ू लगाने से लेकर पानी लाने, भोजन पकाने और बर्तन धोने तक के बहुत सारे काम खुद करते हैं.

आदिवासी नेता गोरखू और उनके साथियों से पता चला है कि शुरू से ही सीमित साधनों, संसाधनों और समुदायिक क्षमताओं के मुताबिक बेहतर पढ़ाई का माहौल बनाने पर जोर दिया गया था. इसका मकसद सरकारी स्कूलों की शून्यता भरना भर नहीं बल्कि आदिवासी जीवनशैली को कायम रखना भी था. इस लिहाज से जीवन शाला ने आदिवासी शैली को ध्यान में रखते हुए घाटी के बच्चों के लिए जीवन और आजादी के नए मायने भी दिए.

भले ही जीवन शाला का जन्म विस्थापन रोकने की लड़ाई का नतीजा रहा हो लेकिन थोड़े-से ही समय में यह स्थान आंदोलनकारियों के लिये विविध चर्चा, रणनीति और कार्यक्रम आयोजन का मुख्य केंद्र बन गए. इस तरह आंदोलन और जीवनशाला, दोनों एक-दूसरे के लिए मददगार साबित हुए और यह केंद्र आदिवासी एकता और भागीदारिता के प्रतीक बन गए.

आज इस आदिवासी इलाके में भादल, मणिबेली, जलसिंधी और जीवननगर सहित 13 जीवन शाला हैं, जिसमें आसपास के 18,00 से ज्यादा बच्चों, जिनमें तकरीबन 660 लड़कियां भी हैं, 58 गुरुओं और सैकड़ों लोगों की सीधी सहभागिता से भूख, गरीबी, शोषण, रोग जैसे शब्दों के वाक्य बनवने से लेकर उनसे दो-चार होने का दूनिया भी सिखाया जा रहा है.

जीवन शाला में अपने गांव की बोली को शुरु से ही वरीयता दी गई है. जैसे कि कुछ किताबों का प्रकाशन पवरी, भिली और भिलाली बोलियों में किया गया है. बच्चे मानते हैं कि अगर जीवन शाला न होती तो उन्हें उनकी बोली की किताबें कभी नहीं मिल पातीं. गुरुओं ने 'अमर केन्या' (हमारी कथाएं) में कुल बारह आदिवासी कहानियों को समेटा है. इसके अलावा सामाजिक विषयों पर 'अम्रो जंगल' (हमारा जंगल) और 'आदिवासी वियाब' (आदिवासी विवाह) जैसी किताबों को लिखा गया है. केवल सिंह गुरूजी ने 'अम्रो जंगल' किताब में यहां की कई जड़ी-बूटियों का महत्व बताया. खुमान सिंह गुरूजी ने 'रोज्या नाईक, चीमा नाईक' में अंग्रेजी साम्राज्य के समय संवरिया गांव के संग्राम पर रोशनी डाली. ऐसी किताबों में आदिवासी समाज का इतिहास, साहित्य, कला और परंपराओं से लेकर स्थानीय भूगोल, प्रशासन और कानूनी हकों को पाने तक की बहुत-सी बातें होती हैं. ये किताबें जैसे अपनी और बाहरी दुनिया के बीच दोस्ताना रिश्ता बनाए रखने के संदेश देती हैं. पढ़ाई को और भी दिलचस्प बनाने के लिए और भी कई तरीके अजमाए जा रहे हैं, जैसे कि 'अक्षर ओलखान' (अक्षरमाला) में स्‍थानीय बोली के मुताबिक अक्षरों की पहचान कराना और उन्हें जोड़ना सिखाया जा रहा है, जैसे कि 'क' से कुकडी (मुर्गी), 'ग' से गधडो (गधा), 'ट' से टुपली (टोकरी), 'ढ' से ढूल (ढोल) और 'ध' से धंदली (धनुष) वगैरह. इस दौरान कई आवाजों को निकाला और आसपास की चीजों से उनका मेल-जोल कराया जाता है. गानों, चित्रों और खेलों से पढ़ाई-लिखाई की कई विधियों का भी अभ्यास कराया जाता है.

जीवन शाला में पढ़ाई-लिखाई का तौर-तरीका इतना सहज रखा गया है कि नर्मदा के पानी में बच्‍चे अपनी स्लेटें धोते हैं और इधर-उधर पड़े कंकड़ों से गणित सीखते हैं. ये बच्चे किनारे की रेत से कभी गांव का मानचित्र तो कभी मिट्टी से रोजमर्रा के काम में आने वाली जरुरी चीजें बनाते हैं. जहां तक अपने आसपास की दवाओं को पहचानने और उनके उपयोग की बात है तो पूरे जंगल को प्रयोगशाला की तरह इस्तेमाल किए जाने की सहूलियत यहां मौजूद है, तब गांव के बड़े-बूढ़े हर जड़ी-बूटी के नामों को उनके महत्व के साथ बताते हैं, साथ ही रस्सी बनाने से लेकर पानी रोकने, हल चलाने से लेकर मछलियां पकड़ने की ढेर सारी तरकीबों को बड़ी बारिकियों से सीखाते हैं.

गांव के सभी जन मिलकर छात्रों, शिक्षकों और संसाधनों के बीच एक बहुत अच्छा संबंध बनाते हैं. यह समय-समय पर बैठकें करके पाठ्यक्रमों को चुनने से लेकर पढ़ाई-लिखाई के नुस्‍खे, दोपहर का भोजन पकाने, उसे परोसने और लड़ाई के आयोजनों तक की सारी गतिविधियों में सहभागी बनते हैं. यह जन जीवन शाला को अपनी शाला कहते हैं, ये कहते हैं कि गांव से लेकर नदी के किनारे इनके हैं, बच्चों से लेकर गुरूजी और स्कूल से लेकर सारे कायदे इनके हैं, यानी यह पूरी प्रकृति और संस्कृति इनकी है, इनकी प्रकृति और संस्कृति कभी कमजोर नहीं होनी चाहिए.

बीस साल के इस समय अंतराल में जीवन शाला से निकली पहली पीढ़ी अब पक चुकी है, जो गुरुजी बनकर अपने संस्कारों को आगे बढ़ा रही है. हर साल सभी गांव की शालाएं मिलकर जो बालमेला आयोजित करती हैं उसमें भी एक जैसी विपदा से प्रभावित अलग-अलग आदिवासी समुदाय किसी गांव में जमा होते हैं और एक-दूसरे की संस्कृतियों को साझा करते हैं. अलबत्ता विस्थापन की प्रक्रिया ने इन्हें एक ऐसे बाजार में खड़ा कर दिया है, जहां जीवन की पगडंडी निकाल पाना बड़ा टेढ़ा हो रहा है, लेकिन जीवन शाला चलने से कैलाश जैसे कार्यकर्ताओं को एक सहूलियत हो गई है कि अगर उनकी लड़ाई से जुड़ी कोई खबर छपती है तो वे अखबार को खरीदकर अपने गांव ले आते हैं और जीवन शाला के बच्चों से उसे पढ़वा लेते हैं.

जहां देश के 48 प्रतिशत बच्चे प्राथमिक स्कूलों से दूर हैं, 6 से 14 साल की कुल लड़कियों में से 50 प्रतिशत लड़कियां ड्राप-आऊट हो जाती हैं, व्यापक स्कूल प्रणाली की क्षमता 5 प्रतिशत से भी कम हैं और बहुत सारी बोलियां डूब रही हैं वहां सरकार जीवन शाला से निकले बच्चों को सरकारी शिक्षा की धारा से जोड़ने की बात तो दूर उल्टा पूरे प्रयास को डूबाने पर तुली है. दूसरी ओर उजड़ने से जुड़ी आशंकाओं का डर जल, जंगल और जमीन के साथ-साथ अब जीवन के इन केंद्रों पर भी मंडरा रहा है. उजड़ने से जुड़ी आशंकाएं यानी दोबारा या बार-बार बसना, सरकारी योजना का लाभ न उठा पाना, कानूनी हकों से बेदखल हो जाना, अपने समुदाय से बेदखली, मेजबान समुदाय की आनाकानी, नया समायोजन, शोषण, यौन उत्पीड़न, अधिक खर्च, हिंसा, अपराध, अव्यवस्था, सीमित जमीन, निर्णय की गतिविधि से कटाव, अस्थायी मजदूरी, मवेशियों का त्याग, प्रदूषण, स्वास्थ्य-संकट, सुविधा और संसाधनों की कमी आदि-आदि इत्यादि. यानी एक तरफ है- बांध के चलते विस्थापन की विकट आशंकाओं का इतना भारी बोझ और दूसरी तरफ है- जीवन की शाला के मासूम बच्चों के हाथों में खुली किताबों-सा खुला आसमान, अभी यहां से इन्हें बहुत सारी परीक्षाएं पास करनी हैं.

Systemic Starvation In Melghat

By Shirish Khare

Endemic malnutrition of children causes thousands of deaths in
Melghat a remote area in Maharashtra, even though government
authorities prefer to call it as natural deaths. However, deaths
that happen every year, through starvation, and have been
happening since records were maintained starting in 1993.

Vidarbha, the suicide zone of farmers in Maharashtra has been in the
news because of it is also referred by the national and international
media as ‘centre of farmer suicide’ in India. However, what is not
known is that the hills of Melghat in the Satpura ranges have seen
disastrously high numbers of deaths among infants and young children.
Every year thousands of children among the tribal communities of the
Korku tribes are dying.

The first case of death among children owing to malnutrition among
these communities came to light in 1993, when the late President of
India, Mrs Pratibha Patil became the MP from this constituency. Since
then 12,000 children (at least) have died owing to malnutrition. Since
then, despite the government having claimed to have spent crores of
rupees in this area, death by malnutrition among children continues
unabated. In 1996-97, as many as 1050 children died from malnutrition
– according to government data.

Even this year, in a survey conducted before the onset of Monsoons,
the data suggests worrisome and even shameful trends. They suggest an
almost doubling of deaths among chldren.

Government data for the last five years for death by malnutrition
among children between ages 0-6 years old are as follows: 504 deaths
in 2005-06, 490 in 2006-07, 447 in 2007-08, 467 in 2008-09. By
mid-year of 2009-10, the community has already seen 510 deaths among
children by malnutrition. In addition, 39 children are suffering from
grade 4 malnutrition, and 442 from grade 3 – both numbers
significantly higher than past years.

Just like past years, as the deaths soar, the administration will
attempt to react with some programs. However, with no proactive
programs, the close look at the data points to the absence of thought
and ineffectiveness of these programs.

During the monsoons, people cannot leave their homes for work. They
often find it difficult to arrange for food. Most deaths happen during
this period. It is notable that government programs begin right after
this period.

In 1993, right after the rains, then chief minister of Maharasthra,
Sharad Pawar visited this area. There was many promises made and much
planning – but the community largely stayed untouched by the goodness
of intentions.

During such tours by political bigwigs, the focus stays on those
regions that are most accessible by roads. Hospitals and
administrative offices along the main highways get spruced up. Visible
implementation of programs is ensured in these areas. Communities that
are further inland are left un touched and government offices in these
areas continue their complacent way of life. While deaths in these
areas are explained, the limitations of planning or of the programs
are hardly visible.

Melghat is among such extremely remote and poor communities in
Amravati district. 51.28 per cent of families are below the poverty
line. Unemployment is extremely high and healthcare infrastructure is
minimal at best. As a result, children are often born in conditions of
Grade 1 malnutrition which quickly transitions to Grade 2, Grade 3 and
then Grade 4. In fact, despite high number of deaths for over 15
years, there is almost no significant healthcare infrastructure in
this region.

There are 56 primary health clinics that need to meet the health needs
of 30,000 people each. In addition, there are 320 sub clinics
responsible for 6000 people each. In 1981, for a population of 100000
people, a 63 bed hospital was built. 10 years later, in 1991, the
hospital had 62 beds and by 2001, the hospital only had 56 beds. In
addition, the behavior of health staff is pathetic.

The closest emergency health care center lies 15 km away in Khatru.
Usually, such a center should have one child specialist and over 112
different kinds of medicines. There is not such infrastructure here.
Any serious case is further forwarded to Dharani. Patients have to
travel – during emergency situations – 110 km through bad roads to get
here.

Even here, there is little to be offered. While equipment is present,
they often do not work. They are broken. Or, there is often no
electricity. Even when generators exist, there is no diesel. As a
result, people often have to go all the way to the hospital in
Amravati, the district HQ.

Khutida – a small hamlet with 45 families – is an example. The closest
sub-clinic is 8 km away. The clinic should be staffed regularly during
the day and have 27 kinds of medicines for common ailments. However,
local families say that the staff is never around. Even the midwife
does not show up. As a result, those who can afford it, visit private
clinics and those who do not, stay at home hoping for the best.
During the rains, though, when the river Khandu floods to surround the
village on three sides, the only hope is a clinic in Mohra village in
MP, 19 km away.

Another typical example is Karanjkheda Village with 113 homes. The
local pre-school ‘anganwadi’ has 98 children. The government run
‘anganwadi’, per government guidelines, requires Rs 2.40 to spend on
food for every child every day. As it is across the state, this
mid-day meal program is run through contracts. However, in this case,
the staff members of the anganwadi have taken the contract themselves;
thus distribution of mid-day meals is pathetic. The staff members, in
their bid to increase their profits, provide very small quantities of
non-nutritious meals, consisting mostly of dilute rice porridge. Half
the children do not get meals. The state of mid-day meals in 337
preschool anganwadis and 213 primary schools is similar – existing
primarily on paper.

Another example is that of the village of Ektai. Among 175 families,
only 40 have ration cards for public distribution of food. Villages
point out that the ration store keeper gives out only 25 kg of
subsidized grain, as opposed to 35 kg as per government guidelines.
The rest is hoarded and sold illegally. This caused riots in the
village some time ago, leading to investigation. Over 50 people were
found guilty of being part of a scam and the government locked the
store. Thus, there is no public distribution of grain anymore. Thus,
people have to walk 6km to get grain from a public distribution
center. Thus, the government rewarded those villagers who opposed
corruption by making life harder for them.

In the past year, 75,909 job cards were distributed here in Melghat as
per the Employment Guarantee Scheme. However, jobs were provided only
to 14,502 people. Public documents available at the Panchayat or block
office do not provide any details of how money was spent on EGS or on
other schemes such as child welfare programs or adivasi welfare
programs. The absence of details is telling.

Melghat is home to about 3 lakh people, 80 per cent of which belong to
Korku tribe. The community uses 27 per cent of land for agriculture.
Agriculture depends completely on monsoons. The rest of the land – 73
per cent - is forest land. Thus, forests have been a major source of
livelihood. However, since 1974, this was marked as the Melghat Tiger
Reserve Area and the Korku adivasis were pushed out of the forest.
After 1980, they were not allowed to collect firewood and other forest
products such as leaves, and honey from the forest. They were
prohibited from fishing in the forests or collecting roots. This has
been a major cause for shortage in food in this area, for a community
whose lives were tied to the forest. Thus, while Mumbai was
celebrating the 50th anniversary of the statehood of Maharashtra,
Melghat was suffering from hunger and starvation.

Sugarcane Cutters in Marathwada

Shirish Khare

Marathwada, the air resonates with the ever-so-familiar poem from school, ‘Shikari aata hai, jaal failata hai. Daane ka lobh dikhata hai, lekin hamein jaal mein naïf fasna chahiye. The poem takes on a new meaning in Marathwada though: there are tales galore of the predator and prey here.

According to Government statistics, sugarcane production here in Marathwada is very high but the exploitation is even more pervasive which, unfortunately, remains unaccounted for.

In the morning, we are caught by the sight of a tractor carrying about a dozensugarcane cutters and their families. They carry with them their entire world: food, clothes and other bare essentials for survival. Children lie asleep on their mothers’ laps or sisters’ shoulders, huddled together with the cattle. When I asked them where they were going, one of the women said, “Very far….to Karnataka…..Bidar factory”. I asked them when they would return and they replied, “Not until the rains”.

This is Marathwada in Maharashtra. Many such tractors ply on the roads connecting the villages here to the cities. Most villages in Kalamb Tehsil, about 100 kms away from Usmanabad lie dreary and deserted.

Vinayak Taur, an educated dalit youth from the nearby Massa village told us, “Thousands of labourers leave their homes here every year between Diwali and the monsoons to work as sugarcane cutters for the sugar factories. Most of them belong to Dalit, Banjara and Pardi communities. They neither have any land they can call their own nor any other source of livelihood. Living on the outskirts of the villages here, they remain untouched by Gram Panchayat schemes and plans. School-going children here, as children anywhere else always, are the worst hit. The sugarcane farms they work in are replete with tales of exploitation.

This area in Marathwada is known particularly for sugar production. Ternasugar factory, the first ever factory here came into being at Dhonka in Usmanabad in 1982. Government statistics put the number of sugar factories here to 30 out of which 7 are in Usmanabad district alone of which, again, 4 are in Kalamb Tehsil. A member of the Terna Sugar Factory Committee, on condition of anonymity, revealed, “Every factory here needs sugarcane worth 25-50 kms worth of land which is taken care of by supervisors. The supervisor signs a deal with the Committee for Rs. 5-10 lakh in exchange of which he assures work to 12-20 labourer pairs for 6 – 10 months.”

A social worker working in that area, Bajrang Tate informed us, “Supervisors belong to the upper castes here. They persuade labourers and their wives to work for 6 to 10 months for a measly Rs. 25-30,000. They make a legal agreement with the labourers – sometimes for factories in far off areas. Under these agreements, labourers from here go to work in areas as far as Pune, Kolhapur in Maharashtra and Bidar, Alumathi and Bedgaon in Karnataka while labourers from these areas come here to work.” Balaji Mulay of Kalamb told us, “The supervisors do not get much time to gather labourers for work available in these factories. So they make sure they use their labour to the fullest without any compromise. Maya Shinde of neighbouring Dorala village narrates, “Bharat Sontake had no idea he would be inflicted by TB soon after signing a deal for work in Kolhapur for 6 months for Rs. 20,000 with one of the supervisors. The supervisor, after hearing of Bharat’s disease, forced Bharat’s entire family – his wife, ageing parents and young daughters – to work to compensate for his absence.”

We noticed a cluster of huts around the factories there – make shift homes for the labourers for 15-20 days of work in these factories. The labourers will be broken up into smaller groups and sent to their respective factories for work. We visited one such Basti near Dharashiv sugar factory in Khedki village. The Basti is made up all of 12 huts – rickety structures barely standing on sticks and rags. The huts have just one room for the whole family which just about enough space to stretch one’s legs. Children and women have to walk miles to for water and electricity and basic sanitation here, remain a distant dream in these Bastis.

At the break of dawn, labourers leave home with little more than a scythe made specially to cut sugarcane. Labourers work on the sugarcane farms in pairs: one cuts sugarcane and the other gathers it in a bunch. A pair usually cuts about 2 tonne of sugarcane everyday which is then transported to sugarfactories. Trucks carry sugarcane to the factories well into the night. Many a time children along with their parents work as labourers on these farms as well. Many children cook and clean at home while their parents toil on the farms. Ishara Gore, one of many such child labourers here, told us she studied in the third standard and would be going to the fourth when she returned to her village. Little did she know that her school exams would be over by the time she returned. Her family has migrated to Karat village in Sagli district for work. Her father, Yavik Gore told us, “It’s good if she studies, otherwise we will have to get her married in the next 5 years anyway. Then she will work with her husband like us.” Child marriage is a common practice here. Marriage often takes place among labourers’ families so as to increase the number of labourers within the family and hence the family income. Migration in this case, perpetuates a malice like child marriage.

Shobhayani Kasbe, who works at the neighbouring Shambhu Maharaj sugarfactory, voices her concerns about her children, “Our children work when they should be playing and studying. Sometimes, they seem very irritable while sometimes they recoil into a shell and become very quiet.” When we asked them why they didn’t take them back home sometimes, Mudrika Gore replied, “We are not allowed to go back home before the contract ends except during elections. We are taken back only to cast our vote during elections and brought back here soon after that.” They all had stories of gross exploitation to tell: stories of being overworked and underpaid and stories of being battered mercilessly by the supervisors if they even so much as dared to raise their voice. Shivaji Waghmare of Wabhal village narrates one of many such stories, “Last year saw very good production of sugarcane for which the labourers had to pay a price. They were forced to work even after their contract had ended. When some labourers protested, they, along with their wives and children, were beaten up ruthlessly.

The Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme the Maharashtra government runs here is more of a farce than anything else. We visited the Vikaskhand Kalamb office to uncover the truth behind this government scheme and were appalled by what we discovered. Basant Waghmare, the Development Officer of the Panchayat department told us, “It’s been a year since the scheme has been implemented but there are employment opportunities only in 7 out of the 89 villages in this block. With over 50,000 labourers in this block, only 2500 have got jobs under this scheme. And of even those who have managed to get jobs, many are yet to be paid. They will be paid only after we receive a grant of Rs. 5, 00,000 from the district authorities.” He added, “This scheme is mired in red tapism. That’s why it remains defunct at the implementation level.” But social activist Bajrang Tate unravels the other side of the story quite contrary to what meets the eye. He says,” Gram Panchayats here are dominated by the land – owning upper castes. They need labourers to work on their land. Labourers are kept in the dark about the government employment scheme just so they continue to work in farms under oppressive conditions. This way, the status quo remains undisturbed and the power equation unperturbed.”