अपनी तो पाठशाला

शिरीष खरे

उस्मानाबाद/महाराष्ट्र. तीसरी कक्षा में पढ़ने वाली ललिता, सीमा और वैशाली स्कूल लगने के एक घंटे पहले ही पहुंच गई हैं. स्कूल की सीढ़ी पर खड़ी ललिता आज का जो पाठ पढ़ा रही है उसे नीचे बैठी सीमा और वैशाली लिख रही हैं. तीनों अपने-अपने काम में इतनी तल्लीन हैं कि उन्हें अपने आसपास का भी ध्यान नहीं है. लेकिन आसपास खड़े लोगों के लिए यह दृश्य साधारण नहीं है.

असल में हम जिस स्कूल की बात कर रहे हैं वह है पारधी स्कूल. पारधी यानी मिथ, इतिहास, सामाजिक परंपरा और कानून के मकड़जाल में फंसी एक ऐसी जनजाति जिसके लिए ऐसा दृश्य दुर्लभ है. इसलिए कम से कम स्थानीय लोगों के लिए यह स्कूल किसी आश्चर्य से कम नहीं लगता.अंग्रेजों ने पारधी जनजाति को अपराधिक जनजाति अधिनियम,1871 के तहत सूचीबद्ध किया था. अंग्रेज चले गए मगर धारणा छोड़ गए. इसलिए आज भी पारधी बस्तियां गांव से कोसों दूर जंगलों में होती हैं. कोई रास्ता इन बस्तियों को नहीं जाता. न ही सरकार की कोई योजना यहां आती है और न बिजली, न पानी, न राशन और न ही स्वास्थ्य की कोई सुविधा. इसलिए यहां के लोग कहते हैं कि आजादी के 64 सालों में सरकार ने हमें एक ही चीज दी है और वह है– महादेव बस्ती का यह स्कूल.

महाराष्ट्र के उस्मानाबाद से तकरीबन 125 किमी दूर, एक जंगली पहाड़ी के नीचे यहां गिनती के 60 पारधी घरों में 279 बाशिंदे रहते हैं. इनके दिलों से शासन की दहशत कुछ कम तो हुई है लेकिन पूरी तरह से गई नहीं. तभी तो थोड़ी देर पहले हमारी गाड़ी देखते ही ज्यादातर लोग अदृश्य हो गए थे. उन्हें लगा था कि आसपास कोई वारदात हुई होगी जिसकी छानबीन के लिए पुलिस आई है. लेकिन कुछ देर बाद ‘अपनेवाले हैं’, ऐसा कहकर ये एक जगह जमा होने लगे. और अब जिस जगह हम हैं, वह है बस्ती की एकमात्र पक्की बिल्डिंग यानी महादेव बस्ती का यह स्कूल. बोर्ड पर स्कूल बनने का साल (1998), बच्चों की कुल संख्या (27), बालक (10) और बालिका (17) लिखा है. एक बड़े हॉल से होकर 2 कमरे खुलते हैं जिसमें चौंथी तक की कक्षाएं लगती हैं. यों तो स्कूल का कार्यालय और उसके पीछे बाथरूम भी है लेकिन 30 गुणा 60 फीट वाले इस स्कूल की पूरी तस्वीर तब बनती है जब लोगों से मालूम होता है कि चार सालों से यहां का परीक्षाफल शत प्रतिशत है. साथ ही यह उस्मानाबाद जिले का आदर्श स्कूल घोषित है.

गांव के सुबराराव शिंदे ने याद करते हुए बताते हैं, 'पहले तो पुलिस के छापे ही लगते थे. कोई शिक्षक आने की हिम्मत नहीं करता था. तब स्कूल की दीवारें थीं, पर पढ़ाई नहीं. यदि शिक्षक आते भी तो बच्चे नहीं होते. वे इधर उधर खेलते रहते और शिक्षकों को 'ओ मास्टर' कहकर चिढ़ाते. हमें लगता कि इस स्कूल के बहाने पुलिस बस्ती पर निगाह रखती है.' फिर कोई आठ साल पहले पहल की एक स्थानीय दलित संगठन ने. दलित संगठन ने जब यहां कदम रखा तो कई मुश्किलों का सामना किया. संगठन के कर्ताधर्ता बजरंग टाटे बताते हैं, 'ये हमें पुलिस की ही दोस्त समझते. पूछने पह अपना नाम सलमान या शाहरुख बताते और फोटो तो बिल्कुल नहीं खिंचवाते. हमारा चार साल का समय बच्चों को स्कूल बुलाने में ही चला गया. गांव के कल्याण काले के मुताबिक संगठन के लोगों ने पहले गांव वालों के साथ ज्यादा से ज्यादा समय बिताया. इससे गांव वालों के अंदर का डर दूर होने लगा. बातों ही बातों में गांव के लोगों ने जाना कि पढ़ाई कितनी जरूरी है. तब पढ़ाई में आने वाली अड़चनों पर घंटों बातें होतीं. टाटे ने बताया कि 2007 को 60 परिवारों के सभी महिला और मर्दों को लेकर एक सर्वे किया. तब समाज ने शाला का मॉडल बनाया. इसलिए शाला का नाम पड़ा- समाजशाला.

समाजशाला के बारे में शिक्षिका प्रतिभा दीक्षित बताती हैं कि इस स्कूल का पाठ्यक्रम सरकारी ही है. बकौल प्रतिभा, 'पहले पहल बच्चों के साथ खास दिक्कत यह रही कि इन्हें पारधी ही बोलनी आती थी, जो हमें नहीं आती थी. तब एक दूसरे को समझने के लिए खेल, गाने, चित्रों और कई चीजों का इस्तेमाल किया गया. धीरे-धीरे बच्चे मराठी, हिंदी और अंग्रेजी के पाठ भी सीखने लगे.' महादेव बस्ती की महिला सुनिधि शिंदे से पता चला कि स्कूल की ताकत उसकी समिति है. इसे बस्ती की औरतें संभालती हैं. यही बच्चों की हाजिरी, उनकी पढ़ाई-लिखाई और दोपहर के खाने का ध्यान रखती हैं. यहां औरतों का अलग से एक समूह है जिसमें सभी हर महिने दस-दस रुपए जमा करती हैं. यह रकम सिर्फ बच्चों पर खर्च होती है. समाजशाला से समन्वयक विठ्ठल खंडागले ने बताया कि स्कूल में बिजली, शौचालय, मैदान और मैदान पर बने ब्लैकबोर्ड को युवा टोली की मेहनत का नतीजा है. टोली में अठारह से तीस साल के पारधी युवा 26 जनवरी को एक मेला लगाकर अफसरों के अलावा नेताओं को भी बुलाते हैं. इस साल जिला परिषद अध्यक्ष गोदावरे केंद्रे ने बस्ती में पक्की सड़क बनाने का वादा किया है. इसी तरह बीते साल उपविभागीय पुलिस अधीक्षक विजय महाले ने पारधियों के दिलों में पुलिस के डर को दूर करने के लिए कार्यशाला रखी थी.

चार साल पहले महादेव बस्ती ने अपनी पंचायत में जो फैसला लिया उस पर मराठवाड़ा के कई लोगों को आज भी यकीन नहीं होता. उस दिन पूरी बस्ती इस बात पर एकमत हुई कि अगर हमारा बच्चा यदि हमारी गलती से स्कूल नहीं जाता तो हम आर्थिक जुर्माना देंगे. जो बस्ती शिक्षा के दीपक से दूर रही थी उसी बस्ती ने पढ़ाई-लिखाई का यह मतलब जाना था. तब से स्कूल में बच्चों की शत प्रतिशत उपस्थिति दर्ज होने लगी और एक भी बच्चा ड्रापआउट नहीं हुआ. प्रधानाध्यापक राम डाहवे ने खुशी जाहिर करते हुए बताते हैं, 'स्कूल की तारीफ तो कलेक्टर भी करते हैं. समय के साथ पढ़ाई भी बदल रही है. अब हर काम कम्प्यटूर पर होने लगा है. इस इलाके के कई स्कूलों में कम्प्यटूर नहीं पहुचें लेकिन इस साल यहां दो कम्पयूटर दिए हैं.' समाजशाला अब देश भर को यह संदेश दे रही है कि अगर पारधी बस्ती के भीतर एक स्कूल इतना बदलाव ला सकता है तो दूसरी बस्तियों के सरकारी स्कूल क्यों नही.

देखा जाए तो सिर्फ स्कूल बनाने की कोशिशें ही काफी नहीं हैं. इस बस्ती के लोग गांव से बाहर होने के कारण मतदातासूची से छूटे हुए  हैं. फुलादेवी (बदला नाम) बताती हैं, 'पुलिस की ज्यादतियां रूकी नही हैं. आसपास कोई चोरी हुई नहीं कि वह यहां आ धमकती है. लेकिन बच्चे समय के पहले स्कूल पहुचंते ही हैं.' जाते समय हमने उनसे इतना ही कहा 'बदलाव की यह आदत रहनी चाहिए.' लेकिन कक्षा 4 के बाद यह आदत रह पाएगी या नहीं कोई नहीं जानता, क्योंकि आगे की पढ़ाई के लिए यहां से बाहर जाना होगा. और इस बस्ती से दूर जाने से बच्चे तो क्या बड़े भी डरते हैं.

शाम ढल चुकी है लेकिन पारधी गानों की धुन पर बच्चों का थिरकना जारी है. बिछड़ते समय पहली के कुछ बच्चो ने घेर लिया. उनमें से दीपक शिंदे ने कहा, 'अरे हमारी एक कविता तो सुनते जाओ.'
हमने कहा, 'कौन-सी?'
वह बोला, 'सूरज को तोड़ने जाना है.'
हमने कहा, 'अगली बार तोड़ कर सुनाना.'

Cities and cities

By Shirish Khare

Cities have become alike - unidentifiable from each other. Just like the houses that the 40 thieves found when the came to visit Ali Baba. And policies that draw up such uniform plans also unsettle the lives of millions in these cities.

Large cities have been the center of development in India. They have been the centers of manufacturing, of markets, of consumption and of wealth. But they are also the locus of much inequality. Large sections of the city are home to poverty, hunger and unemployment. The rural poor have migrated to the cities with the expectation of better livelihoods and earnings. Infrastructure of cities have not been able to deal with the needs of rural immigrants. The face of most Indian cities has illness and hunger juxtaposed with glamour and wealth.

There are many cities within each city. The first is a clean, orderly structure humming with capitalists, traders and technocrats. People here are safe and wealthy with access to luxuries. They are deemed the builders of a developed India. Another is of slums. Of filth, of clutter, and crowds. People are unsafe and insecure. Their jobs are insecure, their homes are insecure. They are deemed the hurdles to a developing India.

Cities have developed policies to limit the encroachment of slums in public places through force and by continuing 'development' programs to beautify and develop the cities.  While those who live in the slums provide the labour for development, and for profits, their labour is not valued - financially or socially. As a result, the state of the labourers degenerates - there is increasing poverty in the city. There is increased exploitation. Urban poverty is a result of the absence of exploitation of the poor as well as the incompetence of the city governments.

The urban poor are constantly looking for employment and a place to live. In India today, unorganized sector makes up for 93% of labour. Often used as contract labourers, they have little opportunity to participate constructively or creatively in the economic or political processes of the city. Continued to be exploited, they are unable to plan or build their own lives. With industries able to make do with contract workers where regulations are lax and commitment to the worker minimum, unemployment levels continue to grow. Over 5 crore people in India live in urban slums.

Since these slums are deemed illegal, there are no facilities provided. They have no access to financial, legal or social infrastructure that cities provides it citizens. There are no hygiene or health facilities available to these citizens. Thus, citizens of these slums are even more vulnerable - politically, legally and to illnesses. Thus, a large section of the poor is not able to escape the vicious cycle of poverty. Economic, social and political forces ensure this stays true.

The urban poor lives in the city but is still unable to access the infrastructure that a city provides. They are marginalized to  living on the edges - figuratively (as described above) and literally (living on the footpath and along railway tracks). Thus, the rights of the urban poor are easily bypassed. In fact, their activities are constantly under suspicion. As a result, the poor does not want to make themselves visible, even to ask for their rights. Urban programs that claim beautification or infrastructure development continue to push the urban poor knowing fully well that they can push the poor even further into marginalization.

It is difficult for the poor to organize against such urban programs. Often they are rural immigrants from different regions, speaking different languages and with different religious or caste backgrounds. In addition, they experience different levels of poverty. Their access top infrastructure is also varied.  The basis for organizing is weak.

On the other hand, government bodies are constrained by limited land, money and other infrastructural capabilities. In Mumbai for example, land is unavailable. 50% of the population lives in slums. But this occupies only 8% of the total land in Mumbai.  While the government reckons that every individual needs 5 square meter and a family needs 25 sq.m., that is hardly true. Thus, the absence of housing is one of the biggest problems with the urban poor.

The government's intent and capability to provide for infrastructure is also questionable. While governments are chosen to help arrange for infrastructure for all, by privatizing such services, they have encouraged the provision of those services that have profits over others that are needed for human existence and living. After all, private companies are interested in consumers, not citizens and the urban poor have very little income that can be used for consumable services.

The model of development in these urban centers is not based on participation by citizens but of technocrats and businesses. The processes of governance today has very little connectivity with citizen groups and their needs. While on the one hand there is rhetoric about decentralization of power to increase citizen participation in governance, on the other hand, privatization of infrastructure needs is resulted in a breakdown of such participation. As a result, the role of governance has become limited to supervision of contracts.

With globalization in force these days and with institutions of globalization considered as experts in development policies, the space for conversation with citizens and for their dissent has become marginalized. In fact, dissent is being politically discouraged, even put down. This is counter to the 74th constitutional amendment that recognizes the role citizen participation in policy making and its role in ensuring development of all. While the amendment lay down specific mechanisms to ensure participation, the reality of urban governance has no place for such participation of the urban poor.

The development of a city requires that everyone be a part of the development process. In the absence of such inclusiveness, the chasm between the rich and the poor will not be bridged. The government has come up with innovative ways to reduce urban poverty - by not counting the poor. For example, Mumbai has only 18000 people with the yellow ration card. Only  24000 people are considered below poverty line. Thus, on one hand politicians innovatively engineer reduction in poor and on the other hand ask for votes based on people being poor.

A city should be the residence of all its population. Development for all is possible only if all are involved in development of policies. This is true not only for housing but for policies related to infrastructure development, economic policies, budget and finance, etc.  Development should not be based on the economic progress of a small group at the cost of everyone else. For such progress for a few only happens at the cost of exploitation of the rest.

No End to This Night

By Shirish Khare

As soon as I got off at Ajmer railway station, I called Bhanvaribai’s mobile phone. In an unsure voice she said, “Since you have come to write about women’s issues, why don’t you come directly to the Ajmeri Gate police station?”. Somewhat astonished, I asked, “What has happened?”. She replied, “come here and you will find out. We are 50 year old women here. You are a young man. They slapped us a few times and sat us down at the police station. So come only if you feel comfortable.”

I felt that it was better to go to the police station rather than return to Mumbai. Seeing my luggage, the auto-rickshaw driver asked if I wanted to go to a hotel. But when I replied that he should take me to a police station, he was started. At the police station, the station in-charge, Satish Yadav sat behind a table that said “Truth Shall Prevail” and in front of a large framed photograph of Mahatma Gandhi. But he seemed at 180 degrees to both those philosophies. He curtly I asked who I was but walked off before I could say anything.

The issue at hand is not how big or small the case was against these women or what is considered to be a big case. What needs to be recognized is that when there are instances of oppression against Dalits – especially Dalit women – everyone from the neighborhood, the village Panchayat, the police and the local courts all assume an attitude that makes justice impossible.

The police station officer – incharge is bothered that almost every week three cases of oppression against Dalit women is registered from Rasulpura village. The Women’s Rights Commission claims that instead of protecting these women as per special laws put in place to prevent oppression, the police station in-charge will often arrest those who come to file the case. For example, Sualal Bhambhi from Rasulpura, along with his wife Geetadevi and daughter Renu had come to file a case against Biram Gujjar for trying to take away their cow and for physical abuse in trying to do so. Instead, the police arrested Sualal Bhambhi saying that the true culprit will become apparent after investigation. When the Women’s Rights Committee and the Dalit Rights Center intervened, he was let go. While the police were willing to look into the case of a stolen cow, they were unwilling to look into the case of violence against his wife and daughter.

Rasulpura is hardly 10Km from Ajmer, on the highway to Jaipur. 600 Muslims, 150 Gujjars and 50 dalits live in this community. In the last few years, 20 dalit families have had to dump their land and property at give-away prices and move to Ajmer. The rest of the Dalit families also have had to move their houses about 0.5Km from the village, practically living in their fields. This is India where dalits still cannot sit in the community gathering, cannot use water from the village handpump, and are fearful of riding a bicycle. Only 10 years ago, Harikishen master broke the age-old taboo that dalits could not ride a horse to their wedding (as is common practice among Hindus in this region).

15 years ago, Chaggibai won a panchayat seat (without any reservation) – however, within 6 months, the rest of the Panchayat community impeached her because they felt that her election affected the prestige of the village. Chaggibai won without reservations because there were many contestants from the higher caste communities. However, when she won, higher caste men surrounded the school building in the village and Chaggibai had to be rescued by police.

15 years ago, the women of this village decided to speak out about their rights – they formed “Women’s Rights Committee”. Women paid Rs 2 to join the group – and 12 women joined. They used the committee to talk about their daily problems and its solutions. Bhanvaribai says that after 5 years of the committee’s functioning, when it also started to voice opinions on child marriage, and casteism, there was opposition to the group. When dalit women began to take objection to caste-based insults and abuses, upper caste people asked why there was a sudden objection – after all, this had been happening for years. Now, though, this began to cause conflict.

The Dalit community used government land to go to their farms. On 6th June, Teja Gujjar dug a trench in this path and placed barbed wire, making it difficult for people to se this path. When Bhanvaribai requested to talk to Teja Gujjar to resolve this issue, he threatened to kill her (using language not printable). When the Dalit women approached Teja’s older brother who is also a member of the village panchayat, saying that they had voted for him and wished he would intercede, he suggested (sarcastically) that they take the matter to the police. The fact was that these brothers had been trying to buy up dalit land at low prices in a number of neighbouring villages. They hoped that by troubling the dalit community, they could get them to sell and move.

When the Dalit women approached the police outpost at Nareti, the police said that they would file a case only after investigation. When a dalit constable named Kailash came to the Gujjar brothers to find out about the events, he was insulted. The Dalit women then went to Ajmeri gathe police station which was already quite unhappy about numerous Dalit cases.

Kalyanji, a Dalit villager, says that the upper caste members of Rasulpura are interested in taking over 30 acres of land that belongs to the dalits as well as 4 acres of government land. 1 acres costs about Rs 100000. Land is the primary source of income for these dalit communities. With drought that has hovered over these villages for the last 10-15 years, they often have to supplement this income with unskilled labour. In these conditions, numerous upper-class people have attempted to push the dalits ou of their land. On 12th February, Mamchand Ravat along with some other men entered Shankarlal’s house, and beat him up. Despite the intervention of Dalit Rights Center, a case was filed only after 3 months and its been 6 months and nothing further has happened. Teja and Amba Gujjar have been involved in other incidences where they have beaten up women. A report was filed only after the local SP intervened but there has been no progress since.

In an interesting case of communal collaboration, the muslim community is providing support to the Gujjars – a result of political and social alliances. Two big Muslim traders have provided political support to the Gujjars. One even threatened major violence if even one Gujjar was arrested.

The Police station officer is obviously bothered by the number of dalit ventures to file cases for oppression – the officer in-charge has attempted to help the dalit ‘understand’ that this police station is not just for Rasulpura.

Apni To Pathshala

By Shirish Khare

Usmanabad, India: Lalita, Seema and Vaishali of class III are in schooltoday an hour early. Seema and Vaishali are busy writing down the lesson Lalita reads aloud on the school staircase. Their hair neatly plaited, they look every inch the eager school students they are in their white and blue uniform and black shoes. So engrossed is Vaishali in her morning lesson that she has forgotten to unburden her tender shoulders of the heavyschool bag.

This all too familiar scene of an ordinary day in school that is part of every child’s life is nothing short of a miracle for the local residents here. Because the school in this case is that of the ‘Pardi’ tribe enlisted by the British under the ‘Criminal Tribes Act 1871’. Though the British have long left India, this community continues to live on the margins of society – literally. The tribe lives in jungles, miles away from human habitation in the most uninhabitable conditions where roads, electricity, water, health centres or even a semblance of a Government project remain a distant dream. In these glorious 60 years of India’s independence, the only thing this tribe has managed to claim as its own though is this lone governmentschool of Mahadev Basti.

Tucked away in the foothills, 15 kms from the Tehsil Head Office, the nondescript Basti has 279 people living in 60 tiny huts. Far from looking to it for security, government is a term these people have come to associate with fear. They took us for the police out for on one of their routine ‘investigations’ and vanished into their huts. Only after reassured that we were not the police did they meet us in the only concrete construction of the Basti – the Mahadev Basti school building. A board announces the year it came into being – 1998, the number of students – 27, girls – 10 and boys – 17. The school has a large hall leading to two rooms where classes between class I and IV are held, an office and a toilet. But the true picture of this 30X60 school became clear to us only when we were told that in the last two years the school has achieved a result of 100% and is now counted among the better schools of the Zilla. “Until a few years ago”, reminisces Subrarao Shinde, “there were police raids more often than not because of which no school teacher dared to set foot in the schoolpremises. Even if a few did, there would be no students. We felt the schoolwas an excuse for the police keep an eye on us.

When ‘Lokhit Saamaajik Vikas Sansthan’ first came to this Basti, it met a lot of resistance. Bajrang Tate of the Sanstha told us, “The people here were suspicious of us taking us for police aides. They wouldn’t tell us their names and would refuse to be photographed. What helped us deal with that situation and win over the trust of the people was our work of several years with the Pardi tribe in close partnership with Child Rights and You (CRY)”. “They would spend a lot of time with us”, added Kalyan Kale, a local, “and we slowly began trusting them. They would spend hours discussing with us the importance of education”. Bajrang Tate chipped in, “Then we did a survey with 139 women and 149 men from 60 families and came up with the model of a school. That’s how Samajshala was born in 2007”.

Pratibha Dikshit, a Samajshala teacher elaborates, “We follow the government-prescribed syllabus here at the school. We are three of us here at the school who have been trained to involve children both in academics and extra-curricular activities. Sanjay Tambare, another teacher at Samajshala volunteered, “Initially we faced problems with the children here because they could only speak Pardi, their native dialect that we did not understand. We had to use songs, games, pictures etc. to communicate to each other. Now the children have learnt Marathi, Hindi and even English”. Sunidi Shinde informed us, “The real strength of the school is its committee run by the women of the Basti. The committee manages students’ attendance, their lunch and overall academics. Every woman in this women’s collective – the school committee contributes Rs 50 every month that is spent on the school and school children.”

Vitthal Khandagale, a Samajshala worker, attributes the school playground, the blackboard standing on it, toilet and electricity to the sheer hard work of the local youth group. He elaborates, “The youth group comprising young men of 18 to 30 years holds a fair every August. They invite government officials and politicians. This year they’ve invited the Zilla Parishad President Godavari Kendre and she has promised us water, electricity and roads in the Basti. Also, Vijay Mahale, Sub-divisional Police Officer, had held a workshop for the locals to allay the fear of the police from their minds.” Adds Vinayak Taur, “We already have in place the school primary health centre that holds health camps every month where health check-ups are conducted not only for the children but also for adults. A toilet for girls, library and schoolboundary walls are next in our demands for the school.”

The panchayat of Mahadev Basti took a decision on Dec 5, 2007 that took many people in the Zilla by surprise. They unanimously decided that if they hindered a child’s education, they would pay penalty for it. This was the turning point in the life of Mahadev Basti. After that day, the school started seeing 100% attendance and no drop outs. The school Principal, Ram Dahve proudly declares, “The District Collector recognises the success of the school too. With time education, like most things, is changing too. Computers are fast becoming the norm. Even though computers are yet to reach our district, the school has two computers this year, thanks to ‘Lokhit’.” Kumar Neelendu, General Manager, Child Rights and You (CRY), “We are campaigning for a Common School System across the country. This schoolis an example of that. Free and fair education can only be achieved through the Common School System. Government schools in other Bastis can take a cue from this school in the Pardi Basti that has transformed lives.”

During our interactions with the community, we realised that the people of the community want to fight for their democratic right to citizenship so far denied to them. Living on the periphery of the village has kept them out of the voters’ list too all since independence. They do not even have the basic right to their own land. Some work as agricultural labourers on sugarcane farms for 6 to 8 months while others migrate to Mumbai along with their children who often get embroiled into the gruesome underbelly of Mumbai. Though we often see media stories on the Mumbai underworld, the socio-political dynamics involved find no mention in them. These aspects remain unspoken even in the midst of all the din of news.

Phoola Devi (name changed) reveals, “State atrocities show no signs of stopping. The police come to our Basti the moment any crime, no matter how petty or serious, is reported in the neighbouring village. But we don’t let that hinder our children’s education.” We reassured them that we must always strive for change. But we soon realised it’s easier said than done. The Basti school has classes only upto class IV after which children would have to travel 5 kms to the nearest school in Itkur. This seemingly innocuous commute is a daunting task as not just children but even adults fear venturing out of the Basti. The tribe continues to preserve its tribal culture, tradition and history, visible in their lifestyle and display of vibrant tribal art in the school. The children danced to the lilt of Pardi songs, silhouetted in the fleeting twilight. As we were leaving, children of class I huddled around us. One of them said, “Hey, listen to our poem.” We asked, “Which one?” “I want to claim the sun.” “Tell me when you have claimed it.”